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Richmond, September 24th 1878

Col: T. T. Gantt

My dear Sir,

Your letter of the 3d came while I was away from home, hence the delay in acknowledging it. The great pleasure with which I read it makes me regret very much that it was not received in due time.

Certainly I have no reason as yet, to complain of the Virginians. Few of them above the lowest class sided against me. Without the combination of six against me, there would have been no show of opposition. And the six resorted to the lowest tricks to defeat me. Now, there is some danger from a party led by the most unprincipled demagogues that have appeared in the Country. Fortunately they have little more capacity than honestly. Still, they have made many of our lower class and some of the upper, believe that the want of capital and of money that they are suffering under, can be relieved by act of Congress, and that their leader if elected, will procure the passage of such an act as soon as seated. Some little allowance should be made for this folly. The consequences of the war were far more disastrous to us than to the Northern people. For one of them was the destruction of the capital of banks planters and merchants. If at the close of the war the benefits of good government had been granted, they would, probably, have gone to work to make new capital or increase what was left, by judicious industry. But the rule of carpet-baggers and the military, (the latter much preferred by the subjects,) offered little inducement for such courses. Four or five years of misrule put an end to hopefulness in all who were wanting in force--a large majority. All of the planting class who went to work with judicious energy, are doing well. The rest are united. But the small farmers are very prosperous as a class.

But for the want of capital, many cotton factories would now be in operation in the Cotton States, no doubt. For those operating are very successful. All these States have abundant and cheap water-power, and advantages which enable their manufacturers to produce more economically than the New Englanders can. This city has advantages (except capital) greatly superior to those of Lowell--especially in its water power and climate.

The great blunder of the planting class was the determination to be nothing less than planters. So they borrowed money on their crops at 12%--which absorbed more than average profits. Many of these people are desperate enough to catch at the wild hopes the "Greenbacker" leaders offer them. And believe that thousands of millions of paper money issued at once, can be made equal to gold by act of Congress. This is the party opposing me. It has nominated its candidate since I began to write.

It seems to me that the case of the Confederacy is unlike that of Mo in the matter of preferring those who served as soldiers for officers and representatives. It is to be considered that very few educated men in the Southern states who were of military age, kept out of the arm. In this state there is more appearance of a rule against than for soldiers. For six of the ten democrats representing it in Congress were civilians in the war, although a great majority of the leading men in every district served in the army. And the main objection against me by my opponents, was military service, opponents for nomination, I mean.

As to Tilden--I can't blame the Southern democrats, If he had the heart of a dung-hill hen he would have claimed the Presidency, and been inaugurated. It was for this want of manhood that democrats North and South condemned him. It is as certain as any matter of opinion, that if he had been resolute he would have been backed by the whole democrat party, against which Grant would not have attempted to use his little military force.

I agree with you fully as to Hayes. And can not forgive the Southern Poeple for their foolish cantation of what they call his "Southern Policy." The act which they seemed to regard as one of a Series, the being compelled by the democratic majority in the H. of R. to withdraw his garrisons from the State houses of La and S.C. or see his army disbanded. His action in the case was prompted by the stopping of the appropriation for the support of the army, undoubtedly. And on the other side, five iron-clads in the Potomac, and six hundred soldiers in Washington, convinced democratic M.C.s that an electoral commission 8 to 7 against them, was the only constitutional tribunal for the emergency. It is certain that Mr Hayes had then no suspicion of constitutional limitations of his power, for before the withdrawal of his garrisons, he asserted to a committee from S.C. that the President was empowered by the Constitution to use U. S. Military force as he was doing then in their State. The proofs you refer to are conclusive as to complicity in the Fraudulent counts.

I have for years been observing all that you say of democratic degeneracy. I wish to god that there were twenty men of your capacity to write to the country as you have done to me, on that subject. I should hope for reform. As matters are, I do not, but regard it as impossible. Poverty and want are great demoralizers--that is the extenuation of southern political condition, which you describe accurately. The most difficult political problem we have, it seems to me, is to substitute a constitutional financial system for the war measures of the U. S. that made our present currency.

As ever, yours truly

J. E. Johnston